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--- british-fms [2024/12/28 22:44] – [Perkhidmatan Kesihatan Awal] sazli
+++ british-fms [2024/12/31 17:36] (current) – [Kesan Penjajahan: Penularan Wabak] sazli
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 ====== British: Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (1895-1915) ======
-===== Keadaan di England =====
+====== Keadaan di England ======
 ==== THE 'MATERNITY' LETTERS ====
@@ Line 38: / Line 38: @@
 //"Besides the changes in production methods, other factors which accompany industrialisation affected infant feeding. The Fall River study of infant mortality in a textile manufacturing town in 1908 cited artificial feeding as a significant cause of the excessive number of deaths from diarrhoea, but it was observed that a proportion of mothers who stayed at home were also bottle-feeding. The authors of this study claimed that the main factors in a high infant mortality case were a high proportion of 'foreign-born' mothers, high female illiteracy and a high birth rate. The stress of rapid change, the absence of supportive female relatives and the attempt to adjust to an alien way of life seem to disturb important cultural practices which protect mothers and babies. It is difficult to discover the exact reasons why a mother stopped breastfeeding, but contemporary experience shows that the availability and promotion of alternative foods usually has a demoralising influence on both individual and social confidence in breastfeeding. ... If replacement feeds were used a womans' breastmilk supply might decrease and her need for the substitute foods become established. This would also make her more likely to become pregnant and more closely spaced births would lower the chances of survival of her babies. In the country as a whole 58 per cent of babies were still breastfed at twelve months in 1911, but the urban rate was lower than the rural."// (Gabrielle Palmer, 1988. The Politics of Breastfeeding, m.s. 200)
+====== Keadaan di Tanah Melayu ======
 ===== Kesan Penjajahan: Penularan Wabak =====
 Punca penularan wabak secara umum ialah penyahhutanan besar-besaran untuk tujuan pembukaan kawasan ladang dan perlombongan yang besar, serta jaringan jalan-jalan pengangkutannya, yang mengakibatkan ketidakseimbangan ekologi dan penularan wabak. Pekerja migran yang dibawa masuk oleh pihak British pula tidak mempunyai daya ketahanan semulajadi terhadap wabak tempatan. Pakar serta kakitangan perubatan British pula, kurang berpengalaman dan berpengetahuan mengenai wabak-wabak tersebut, lalu mengakibatkan puluhan ribu pekerja terkorban olehnya: //"...jangkamasa 1896-1914 merupakan tempoh yang paling penting untuk memahami peranan British dalam mengawal penularan penyakit ekoran eksploitasi ekonomi yang dialami oleh negeri Melayu di bawah pentadbiran British. Menurut J. Norman Parmer, "British rule first made the incidence of disease and death very much worse than before. The clearing of land for estates, the expansion of mining and the construction of public works disturbed existing ecological balances, causing diseases to spread and multiply. The large immigrant labour forces assembled for these capital investments lacked natural immune systems. The colonial government, the chief provider of medical services, also lacked experience and knowledge and as a consequence many tens of thousands of workers died.""// (Noraini Mohamed Hassan, 2004: {{ :makalah:noraini_2004_-_bab1.pdf ||}}[[http://studentsrepo.um.edu.my/414/|"Penyakit tropika di Negeri-Negeri Melayu Bersekutu, 1896-1914 : tumpuan kepada penyakit beri-beri, malaria dan penyakit usus"]], BAB SATU: PENGENALAN).
+//"...capitalist and administrative interests converged again with the establishment of direct control in Perak in 1874 and the subsequent extension by 1895 of British power in Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang. Increased state activity was necessary to establish and maintain the conditions necessary for economic life by providing both the infrastructure and labor force necessary for the expanding mineral extraction and plantation sectors. Increasing awareness of health problems, and in some respects the very production of those problems, led to increased state intervention with a broad base to its medical programs."// (Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1987), pp. 91-112 (22 pages): [[https://doi.org/10.2190/J56K-HPBE-9H1K-XNQQ|"HEALTH SERVICES AND THE LEGITIMATION OF THE COLONIAL STATE: BRITISH MALAYA 1786-1941"]], m.s.102).
+//".... orang Barat juga mengamalkan sikap dan prejudis yang sama sewaktu mula tiba di Tanah Melayu. Pegawai kolonial, umpamanya, begitu percaya bahawa penyakit membiak dalam persekitaran dan cuaca tertentu. Tanggapan sebegini kekal sehingga akhir abad ke-19 apabila kajian saintifik giat dijalankan berikutan penubuhan IMR pada tahun 1900 di Kuala Lumpur. Sejak itu teori kuman menjadi semakin kukuh dalam menerangkan jangkitan penyakit. Namun prejudis terhadap kesan cuaca ke atas kesihatan orang-orang Eropah tetap dirasai sehingga beberapa tahun sebelum meletusnya Perang Dunia Kedua."// (Mahani Musa, 2005. Sejarah & Sosioekonomi Wanita Melayu Kedah 1881-1940. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi. m.s. 201).
 ==== Wabak Beri-Beri ====
@@ Line 83: / Line 89: @@
 //"The displacement of Malay logic with the cultural logic of colonialism was effected through the extension of medical services on a mass scale, often exceeding measures that would have been necessary to maintain the labor force to meet capitalist labor requirements. Having begun to extend colonial logic throughout the community, legitimacy is thus achieved. Malaria, for example, is caused by Anopheles maculatus, and the effect of the penetration of capital into and its disruption of the ecosystem on the hinterland is underplayed. European drugs (quinine) could cure the illness and public health measures such as drainage and oiling, implemented by or under the authority of colonial officials, could control it. Hence the colonial administration was essential to maintain health through the offices of the medical and sanitation departments. (An alternative logic would simply run: capitalist penetration produces or exacerbates illness (in this case, malaria) and thus health is achieved through the limitation or rejection of capitalist enterprise)."// (Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1987), pp. 91-112 (22 pages): [[https://doi.org/10.2190/J56K-HPBE-9H1K-XNQQ|"HEALTH SERVICES AND THE LEGITIMATION OF THE COLONIAL STATE: BRITISH MALAYA 1786-1941"]], m.s.96-97).
-//"...capitalist and administrative interests converged again with the establishment of direct control in Perak in 1874 and the subsequent extension by 1895 of British power in Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang. Increased state activity was necessary to establish and maintain the conditions necessary for economic life by providing both the infrastructure and labor force necessary for the expanding mineral extraction and plantation sectors. Increasing awareness of health problems, and in some respects the very production of those problems, led to increased state intervention with a broad base to its medical programs."// (Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1987), pp. 91-112 (22 pages): [[https://doi.org/10.2190/J56K-HPBE-9H1K-XNQQ|"HEALTH SERVICES AND THE LEGITIMATION OF THE COLONIAL STATE: BRITISH MALAYA 1786-1941"]], m.s.102).
 //"The opening up of land, including building roads and railways as well as appropriating land for rubber, had in fact 'created' the problem of malaria. This is not to suggest that malaria had not existed earlier. However, its incidence was of limited concern to the administration then, since the population to whom the administration was responsible was largely not in areas where infection was a possibility. A few reports only refer to 'Penang fever' and to 'jungle fever' among convicts in Malacca. Chinese and European capitalists were working tin mines in the Malay States from the 1850s, but their health was not an issue. In addition, the Malay population, at least according to Gerrard in 1913, were settled in areas where malaria was least likely to be a problem. However, medical departmental reports from 1874 from the Malay States document the increased incidence of illness concomitant with penetration. The Pahang Report of 1899, for instance, noted that 'disturbance of the soil connected with tillage, the construction of roads, the erection of buildings & c., accounted for a good deal of sickness'. The Perak Report of the same year referred to the high mortality rates that accompanies the railway construction works, irrigation works, and the opening up of new estates, as well as within the mining sector. Malaria was not the only problem; dysentery, diarrhea, respiratory diseases, and beri-beri all contributed to the high mortality and morbidity rates."// (Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1987), pp. 91-112 (22 pages): [[https://doi.org/10.2190/J56K-HPBE-9H1K-XNQQ|"HEALTH SERVICES AND THE LEGITIMATION OF THE COLONIAL STATE: BRITISH MALAYA 1786-1941"]], m.s.103).
 //"Like beri-beri, malaria took on an economic as well as human toll, although the concern with its incidence came later. Rubber began to be important at the turn of the century. ... Mortality and morbidity rates were high among the population directly involved in this rapidly expanding sector: in 1909 the crude death rate was 400-500 in each newly opened area. In 1899, the London School of Tropical Medicine opened to study diseases that directly threatened colonial economic interest; the Institute of Medical Research in Kuala Lumpur was opened two years later. Swettenham, then Resident General of the Federated Malay States, in stating government policy that led to the establishment of the Institute, provides evidence of the way in which beri-beri and malaria were defined as medical problems that could only be resolved through Western technical expertise."// (Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, No. 1 (1987), pp. 91-112 (22 pages): [[https://doi.org/10.2190/J56K-HPBE-9H1K-XNQQ|"HEALTH SERVICES AND THE LEGITIMATION OF THE COLONIAL STATE: BRITISH MALAYA 1786-1941"]], m.s.104).
-Sementara itu, mutu bekalan susu di Tanah Melayu tidak terkawal dan seringkali tercemar, dicampurkan dengan bahan lain, atau dicairkan. Keadaan ini dijadikan peluang oleh beberapa syarikat Eropah untuk menggiatkan pemasaran produk-produk makanan bayi di sini. Fokus usaha mereka ketika itu adalah memupuk kebolehpercayaan keselamatan produk-produk mereka untuk kegunaan umum, berbanding mutu bekalan susu semasa. Namun begitu pada peringkat awal ini, harga produk-produk ini agak tinggi, dan hanya mampu dibeli oleh kalangan warga elit asing dan tempatan. Oleh sebab itu, mereka hanya mengiklankan produk-produk tersebut di akhbar-akhbar berbahasa Inggeris tempatan sahaja: //"In colonial Malaya, condensed milk was marketed from the late 19th century. Infant formula was available from the turn of the century and was widely advertised, first in the English-language press and later also in the vernacular presses. At the same time, other social and cultural factors served to discourage breast feeding. There were changes in ideas regarding ideal body weight for both women and infants, and regarding infant care and diet; these ideas were presented in the mass media. In addition, maternal and child health clinics, established in the 1920s to reduce the high infant mortality rate, both propagated popular beliefs about infant weight and supplied milk and educated women to artificially feed their infants. Industry, the media, and health services all promoted, if not always intentionally, bottle feeding rather than breast feeding. Bottle feeding as an ideal, if not a reality, was thus well established before the intensive promotion of milk products by multi-national corporations that followed the political independence of the colony."//
-(Sumber: Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 12, No. 4 (1982), pp. 597-616 (20 pages): {{ ::buku:jstor-org-stable-45131579.pdf ||}}[[https://www.jstor.org/stable/45131579|"BOTTLE FEEDING AND IDEOLOGY IN COLONIAL MALAYA: THE PRODUCTION OF CHANGE"]], m.s. 597).
 ===== Kesan Penjajahan: Masalah Mental ====
 //"...hampir setiap tahun, wanita yang dimasukkan ke pusat rawatan mental adalah disebabkan oleh faktor moral akibat daripada masalah domestik iaitu kehilangan ahli keluarga atau saudara-mara yang rapat. Kehilangan suami terutamanya akan menyebabkan wanita menghadapi masalah kerana kehilangan sumber pendapatan keluarga. Hal ini turut mengakibatkan mereka berasa tertekan untuk terus menyara kehidupan diri serta anak-anak mereka. Selain faktor moral, golongan wanita yang menghidap penyakit mental juga disebabkan faktor fizikal. Antara kategori penyebab bagi faktor fizikal termasuklah minum alkohol berlebihan tanpa kawalan, demam malaria, epilepsi, sakit jantung, phthisis, sakit tubuh badan, serangan terdahulu, berusia, pengaruh keturunan dan ketagihan candu. Selain penyakit-penyakit ini, penyakit wanita turut mencatat bilangan pesakit yang agak ramai dalam menyebabkan masalah mental dalam kalangan wanita seperti penyakit kelamin, mengandung, selepas melahirkan anak, penyakit rahim dan ovari, penyusuan, dan akil baligh (CO275/84 1911)."// (Koh Kuan Wei, Zubaidah VP Hamzah & Azlizan Mat Enh, 2022. "Penyakit Mental dalam Kalangan Wanita di Negeri-negeri Selat: 1886-1920," dalam Azlizan Mat Enh, Zubaidah VP Hamzah (peny.), Wanita Dan Kesihatan Era Kolonial, Bangi, Selangor: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, m.s.163-164).
 ===== Perkhidmatan Kesihatan Awal =====
@@ Line 109: / Line 110: @@
 (Sumber: Koo Boon Dar, 2022. "Wanita dan Sejarah Kejururawatan di Tanah Melayu: 1800-1957," dalam Azlizan Mat Enh, Zubaidah VP Hamzah (peny.), Wanita Dan Kesihatan Era Kolonial, Bangi, Selangor: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, m.s.236).
+===== Gejala Bekalan Susu Tiruan =====
+Sementara itu, mutu bekalan susu di Tanah Melayu tidak terkawal dan seringkali tercemar, dicampurkan dengan bahan lain, atau dicairkan. Keadaan ini dijadikan peluang oleh beberapa syarikat Eropah untuk menggiatkan pemasaran produk-produk makanan bayi di sini. Fokus usaha mereka ketika itu adalah memupuk kebolehpercayaan keselamatan produk-produk mereka untuk kegunaan umum, berbanding mutu bekalan susu semasa. Namun begitu pada peringkat awal ini, harga produk-produk ini agak tinggi, dan hanya mampu dibeli oleh kalangan warga elit asing dan tempatan. Oleh sebab itu, mereka hanya mengiklankan produk-produk tersebut di akhbar-akhbar berbahasa Inggeris tempatan sahaja: //"In colonial Malaya, condensed milk was marketed from the late 19th century. Infant formula was available from the turn of the century and was widely advertised, first in the English-language press and later also in the vernacular presses. At the same time, other social and cultural factors served to discourage breast feeding. There were changes in ideas regarding ideal body weight for both women and infants, and regarding infant care and diet; these ideas were presented in the mass media. In addition, maternal and child health clinics, established in the 1920s to reduce the high infant mortality rate, both propagated popular beliefs about infant weight and supplied milk and educated women to artificially feed their infants. Industry, the media, and health services all promoted, if not always intentionally, bottle feeding rather than breast feeding. Bottle feeding as an ideal, if not a reality, was thus well established before the intensive promotion of milk products by multi-national corporations that followed the political independence of the colony."//
+(Sumber: Lenore Manderson, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 12, No. 4 (1982), pp. 597-616 (20 pages): {{ ::buku:jstor-org-stable-45131579.pdf ||}}[[https://www.jstor.org/stable/45131579|"BOTTLE FEEDING AND IDEOLOGY IN COLONIAL MALAYA: THE PRODUCTION OF CHANGE"]], m.s. 597).
 ===== Kronologi Pemasaran Makanan Bayi =====